NAIROBI, 24 July, 2024 – "Misgivings about what would happen with the departure of such a dominant figure as Kenyatta were soon dispelled." This expression characterized the beginning of Daniel Arap Moi's presidency after he took over from Jomo Kenyatta in 1978.
With an upbeat coffee economy and deft political maneuvering by leaders, among whom were Charles Njonjo and Mwai Kibaki, everything seemed smooth for Moi. His reign soon took on a reputation for strong-handed repression and ethnic favoritism, especially towards his Kalenjin group.
Image:@KNUdigital |
Constitution of Kenya 2010 Article 1. |
Major institutional reforms and expansion of civil liberties came from the new constitutional order established in 2010.
The changes institutionally imply that Moi's holding-on strategies were no longer effective.
Stifling Dissent: A Shift in Strategy
Moi's regime was quick to suppress the opposition. The banning of the Nairobi University Students' Organization and the University Academic Staff Union, alongside the suppression of ethnic associations, clearly showed Moi's intolerance for dissent.
Events of the 1982 coup attempt only escalated his repressive actions, characterized by wide-scale state-sanctioned violence and illegal detentions.
This kind of atmosphere of fear and control was sustained through the large web of patronage and manipulation of public resources.
In contrast, Ruto's regime is in a system that frowns on such blatant suppression. The new Constitution now enshrines freedoms of expression and assembly, protected by an independent judiciary and vibrant civil society.
Kasmuel McOure: Youth Activist |
That makes it hard for any government to suppress dissent without facing a backlash at both the domestic and international levels.
What makes matters worse is that social media and independent media outlets further complicate attempts at controlling the narrative by offering platforms for dissent and mobilization that did not exist in Moi's time.
Economic and Political Contexts
The economic landscape has changed, too. Moi's years in power corresponded to a period of Western financial aid, pegged to Cold War geopolitics.
The aid stabilized the economy and, to a degree, cushioned the population from the impact of his repressive rule. But with the end of the Cold War, Western donors began demanding greater political and economic reforms, which compelled Moi to agree, grudgingly, to multiparty elections in the early 1990s.
Ruto faces a more complex economic reality in contemporary Kenya.
The world economy is still facing multiple crises, in which financial bailouts and investments are more conditional than ever, pegged on strict governance and transparency parameters.
Further, the Kenyan people are today far more politically engaged and enlightened than before and will therefore make much greater demands for accountability and transparency.
The socioeconomic issues at hand—in particular youth unemployment and economic inequality—require inclusive and innovative policy-making that moves beyond the patronage-driven systems of Moi's regime.
The contrasting environments between Moi's and Ruto's eras make Moi's tactics quite unsuitable for contemporary Kenya. Both political and legal frameworks have changed in the country, providing checks and balances to avoid another emergence of an authoritarian ruler like Moi.
Kenya Constitution |
Transparency and accountability, according to democratic principles, have saturated the political culture so much in Kenya that any administration is now obligated to understand these complexities in light of governance reforms and public engagement.
In sum, even if Moi tactics kept his regime going for more than two decades, they do not suit present-day Kenya.
The institutional changes at constitutional, economic, and social levels call for a form of governance that is transparent, accountable, and responsive to the needs and rights of its people.
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